The psychological significance of fairy tales has been one of the most pervasive topics in the history of fairy-tale studies.
Friday, March 28, Stories and Bettelheim, Cont. In my last post, I argued that pre-adolescent children need stories that speak directly to their distinctive emotional needs and crises, and not just to those of teenagers and adults.
In doing so, these companies are engaging in a behavior that Bettelheim thinks will mar any good kids story, and which children themselves recognize immediately as duplicitous: In emphasizing the distinctiveness of the psychology of young children and the stories that are appropriate for them, however, I want to make clear what I am not saying.
The difference between children and adolescents is not that the former live some idyllic mental life, or that they are free of deep inner conflict and turmoil. They are certainly not. The difference is that children necessarily process their inner conflicts in distinctive ways, and age-appropriate stories are needed to help them do so.
If we read somewhat more empathetically, however, we can see that Bettelheim is making points with this terminology that should be uncontroversial. Mostly these points amount to the single observation that children are full of intense and deeply ambivalent feelings about their parents, their other family members, and the world.
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|Philosophy of Science Portal: "Le Petit Chaperon Rouge"--Halloween fare||Thus, one can, controvertibly, claim that fairy tales have promulgated and reinforced stereotypical gender roles through a presentation of socially suitable male-female relationships.|
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It is not only the strength of these feelings and their mercurial character that makes the child's psychology distinctive-- it is also the fact that children tend to experience their emotions as something that happens to them, as if from outside, rather than as something they do.
This can render these emotions quite terrifying. The task of age-appropriate stories is, first of all, to validate these feelings—to provide reassurance that they are normal and human and unavoidable-- and thereby reduce the fear associated with them.
This, thankfully, has become conventional wisdom among a certain type of parent or educator, but it would not have been for most of human history. Societies and moral teachers in the past tended to assume that children ought first to learn to restrain themselves when confronted with destructive impulses.
The task of validating these impulses, if it came at all, would come only after the more basic task of mastering them had been completed. This is indeed a more intuitive way of approaching the problem, and no doubt a more effective one among adults capable of self-mastery.
For this reason, most religious moral instruction throughout history has focused almost exclusively on commanding self-restraint, and very little on providing reassurance about human imperfections.
An exclusive emphasis on self-restraint overlooks two absolutely critical distinctions which all people must learn to make, however subconsciously, if they are to develop into healthy individuals capable of forming loving relationships.
The second concerns the difference between two forms of self-assertion: But neither does it lend them any heed, internally, so it must call in other cultural resources to do the work of reassurance.
This probably accounts for why a folk culture has always sprung up in Christian societies. Folk traditions often counteract in many respects the lopsided moral emphases of official church doctrine-- most often by means of folk tales, which validate the negative and destructive emotions we all have, even as they help us to eventually bring them under control by doing so.
Throughout most of European history, one might argue, the church and this folk culture tacitly accepted one another-- maybe even approved, on some level, the distinctive role each played in providing for a full moral education. With the coming of the late medieval Inquisition, however, and then with the more extreme sects of the Reformation, this delicate balance was upset, and the tacit peace between religion and folk culture was violated.
It was here that religious teachers went furthest in their quest to stamp out the validating power of folk tales -- with psychologically devastating consequences.Writing and Reading Across the Curriculum by Laurence Behrens, "Cinderella": A Story of Sibling Rivalry and Oedipal Conflicts, Bruno Bettelheim.
Pretty Woman: A Modern Cinderella, Karol Kelley. Cinderella's Stepsisters, Toni Morrison.
Synthesis Activities. Bruno Bettelheim, a clinical psychologist, was among the most respected voices among American intelligentsia in the twentieth century. Cinderella personifies the poor child who seeks a solution to the agonies of sibling rivalry, and Little Red Riding Hood poses a warning that seductive games can be dangerous.
As Bettelheim relates this. More recently Bruno Bettelheim, he says, depict sibling rivalry, as in Cinderella and Goldilocks; they touch on incestuous love-feelings between children, as in Brother and Sister; Captain Hook, is, as we shall see, sharply Oedipal both in its nature and its resolution.
Finally, I shall suggest that a Freudian analysis not only is the. Home > Free Essays > Cinderella – A story of sibling rivalry and Oedipal conflicts: Summary June 01st The popular children’s story Cinderella has enchanted children and adults alike and the central character of the story continues to fascinate storytellers and moviemakers, centuries later.
In the essay: “ ‘Cinderella’: A Story of Sibling Rivalry and Oedipal Conflicts”’, Bruno Bettelheim discusses how Cinderella is a story about the difficulties of sibling rivalry and the degraded heroine ending up on top of the siblings that oppressed her.
“cinderella”: a story of sibling rivalry and oedipal conflicts— bruno bettelheim A psychoanalytic reading of “Cinderella”: “Every child believes at some period in his life that because of his secret wishes, if not also his clandestine actions, he deserves to be degraded, banned from the presence of others, relegated to a 4/5(1).